Along with the crisis of democracy, to which it is closely linked by a cause-and-effect relationship, the crisis of representation has always been one of the central themes of constitutional theory. Especially in these times characterized by extreme forms of political fragmentation, the function performed by political representation proves to be more fundamental and inescapable than ever, and the representative moment should play with greater vigor the function of making present in political decision-making what is absent, just as it should devise new tools suitable for bringing a heterogeneous and fluid electoral body back to unity. The causes had been present for some time, from the moment the dissolution of the party system began and at the same time the instruments of participatory democracy lost bite or turned into demagogic tools, instrumentalized by movements and parties eager to measure, especially through the referendum, their residual ability to guide political will, albeit only in a timely and episodic manner. Thus, attempts have been made to remedy this absence with frequent use of the referendum institution and participatory democracy tools, extra-institutional strategies are activated that find alternative forms of representation in leadership, technical subjects, and forms of populism. The centralization of political decision-making in the government thus also appears in its full extent, although this condition is in some cases even surpassed by further forms of verticalization that give some organs of the executive branch regulatory and decision-making powers. It should be strongly emphasized, however, that the marginalization of parliament not only affects the form of government but also stands in stark contrast to the constitutional dictate.

La rappresentanza politica. Recenti trasformazioni di una categoria ineludibile

I. CIOLLI
Primo
Investigation
2022

Abstract

Along with the crisis of democracy, to which it is closely linked by a cause-and-effect relationship, the crisis of representation has always been one of the central themes of constitutional theory. Especially in these times characterized by extreme forms of political fragmentation, the function performed by political representation proves to be more fundamental and inescapable than ever, and the representative moment should play with greater vigor the function of making present in political decision-making what is absent, just as it should devise new tools suitable for bringing a heterogeneous and fluid electoral body back to unity. The causes had been present for some time, from the moment the dissolution of the party system began and at the same time the instruments of participatory democracy lost bite or turned into demagogic tools, instrumentalized by movements and parties eager to measure, especially through the referendum, their residual ability to guide political will, albeit only in a timely and episodic manner. Thus, attempts have been made to remedy this absence with frequent use of the referendum institution and participatory democracy tools, extra-institutional strategies are activated that find alternative forms of representation in leadership, technical subjects, and forms of populism. The centralization of political decision-making in the government thus also appears in its full extent, although this condition is in some cases even surpassed by further forms of verticalization that give some organs of the executive branch regulatory and decision-making powers. It should be strongly emphasized, however, that the marginalization of parliament not only affects the form of government but also stands in stark contrast to the constitutional dictate.
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Utilizza questo identificativo per citare o creare un link a questo documento: http://hdl.handle.net/11573/1651789
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