The regulation of writing and printing (or, as M. Infelise writes, the ‘role of civil authority in controlling the production and circulation of writings’) in Genoa in the modern age still needs to be studied systematically, which is remarkable in the light of the political and economic standing of the Republic in modern Europe. While the Republic could never boast the cultural eminence of Venice (a self-evident fact, when the respective censorship systems and book markets are compared) the commonplace that Genoa was simply ‘uncultivated, inhabited by men too busy making money’ (G. Assereto) merely represents an old prejudice. The Genoese aristocracy was, in fact, adequately cultivated, intellectually active and up to date, but not so free to write. Most of its production on political and historical subjects, indeed, only circulated among the oligarchy and in manuscript form. How are we to account for this fact? How did the regulations on written production contribute to this outcome? Just as unclear is the system of regulations presiding over the production and circulation of print specifically. A comprehensive re-organisation of the legislation was only begun in 1628, following the conspiracy headed by Vachero. This treason at- tempt, one of the gravest in the time of the old Genoese regime, was attended by a vast production of pamphlets, which for the first time circulated in print and also reached beyond the domains of the Republic. The new legislation plan involved five chief measures: 1. the institution of State Inquisitors (1628), based on the Venetian model. 2. The 1634 decree on political writings and historical chronicles. 3. The end of the monopoly on print (1635). 4. The institution of the Giunta di Giurisdizione (also known as the Ecclesiastical Council, 1638). 5. The issuing of the Ordini per occasione delle stampe (Norms on the production of print – 1648).
In rapporto all’antico regime genovese, il tema della censura libraria, anzi il «ruolo dell’autorità civile nel controllo della produzione e della circolazione degli scritti» (M. Infelise) non è mai stato sistematicamente affrontato, e il dato è notevole alla luce del peso politico, non solo economico, di questa repubblica, nel quadro dell’Europa moderna. La storia della cultura ligure non vanta i primati di quella veneziana – basti il raffronto tra i rispettivi apparati censori e mercati librari – ma l’ingombrante topos della Genova «incolta, abitata da uomini troppo impegnati a far quattrini» (G. Assereto) appartiene ormai al passato. Un patriziato sufficientemente colto, aggiornato e intellettualmente vivace, ma non così libero di scrivere: la massima parte della sua produzione politica e storiografica è rimasta confinata nel perimetro dell’oligarchia ed è ancora manoscritta. Anche un altro piano della questione, quello che specificamente concerne il controllo della produzione e della circolazione a stampa, denota interessanti peculiarità. Il completo riordino di questa materia cominciò solo nel 1628, in seguito alla congiura di Vachero, uno dei più gravi episodi di lesa maestà dell’antico regime genovese, connotato da una nutrita produzione libellistica, per la prima volta diffusa anche a stampa e oltre i confini del Genovesato. Inoltre un riordino che si articolò in almeno cinque provvedimenti: l’istituzione degli Inquisitori di Stato (1628), sul modello veneziano; il decreto del 1634 sulle scritture politiche e sulle historiae; la fine del monopolio sulla stampa (1635); l’istituzione della Giunta di Giurisdizione (o Giunta Ecclesiastica, 1638); i nuovi Ordini per occasione delle stampe (1648).
Custodire, sorvegliare, censurare. L’autorità genovese e la circolazione degli scritti (secc. XVI-XVII) / Ceccarelli, Alessia. - In: HISTORIA MAGISTRA. - ISSN 2036-4040. - 35(2021), pp. 46-68.
Custodire, sorvegliare, censurare. L’autorità genovese e la circolazione degli scritti (secc. XVI-XVII)
Alessia Ceccarelli
2021
Abstract
The regulation of writing and printing (or, as M. Infelise writes, the ‘role of civil authority in controlling the production and circulation of writings’) in Genoa in the modern age still needs to be studied systematically, which is remarkable in the light of the political and economic standing of the Republic in modern Europe. While the Republic could never boast the cultural eminence of Venice (a self-evident fact, when the respective censorship systems and book markets are compared) the commonplace that Genoa was simply ‘uncultivated, inhabited by men too busy making money’ (G. Assereto) merely represents an old prejudice. The Genoese aristocracy was, in fact, adequately cultivated, intellectually active and up to date, but not so free to write. Most of its production on political and historical subjects, indeed, only circulated among the oligarchy and in manuscript form. How are we to account for this fact? How did the regulations on written production contribute to this outcome? Just as unclear is the system of regulations presiding over the production and circulation of print specifically. A comprehensive re-organisation of the legislation was only begun in 1628, following the conspiracy headed by Vachero. This treason at- tempt, one of the gravest in the time of the old Genoese regime, was attended by a vast production of pamphlets, which for the first time circulated in print and also reached beyond the domains of the Republic. The new legislation plan involved five chief measures: 1. the institution of State Inquisitors (1628), based on the Venetian model. 2. The 1634 decree on political writings and historical chronicles. 3. The end of the monopoly on print (1635). 4. The institution of the Giunta di Giurisdizione (also known as the Ecclesiastical Council, 1638). 5. The issuing of the Ordini per occasione delle stampe (Norms on the production of print – 1648).File | Dimensione | Formato | |
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