Among the many posthumous miracles attributed to Óláfr Haraldsson inn helgi (†1030), he stepped in three times to help thosewho had invoked him in battle. The three stories appear for the first time in th eskaldic poem "Geisli" (1153) and can be attributed to traditions born plausibly by the middle of the 11th century. However, in the second half of the 12th century, when a hagiographic corpus about saint Óláfr was formed, the only miracles of the three not included was that of Hlýrskógsheiðr, in which Óláfr appears to his son Magnús theGood, King of Norway (1035-1047) and Denmark (1042-1047), in a dream and indicates him how to face a Wendish attack. The reason for such exclusion likely lies in the same nature of the miracle, based on an archaic concept of kingship and on a immediate relationship between the king and the divine. Though known by later authors likeTheodoricus Monk and Snorri Sturluson, the miracle was probably problematic for the Norwegian Church, which in those years was involved in the promotion of a new model of Christian kingship and in the establishment of its own role as mediator between the king and God.
Tra i tanti miracoli postumi attribuiti al re norvegese Óláfr Haraldsson "inn helgi" (†1030), tre lo vedono intervenire per aiutare in battaglia coloro che lo avevano invocato. Le storie compaiono insieme per la prima volta nel poema scaldico "Geisli" (1153) e sono forse riconducibili a tradizioni nate attorno alla metà del secolo XI. Ciò nonostante, quando nella secondametà del XII secolo si venne formando un corpus agiografico su sant’Óláfr, l’unico miracolo a esserne escluso fu quello di Hlýrskógsheiðr, in cui Óláfr appare in sogno a suo figlio Magnús “il Buono”, re di Norvegia (1035-1047) eDanimarca (1042-1047), per indicargli come respingere una incursione dei Vendi. La ragione dell’esclusione è da cercare verosimilmente nella natura di questo miracolo, fondato su una concezione arcaica della regalità che presupponeva un legame diretto tra il sovrano e la sfera del sacro. Pur essendo noto ad autori più tardi come Teodorico monaco e Snorri Sturluson, esso fu probabilmente problematico per la Chiesa norvegese, che in quel momento era impegnata nella promozione di un nuovo paradigma di regalità cristiana e nell’affermazione del proprio ruolo di intermediaria tra il re e Dio.
Un miracolo problematico. La battaglia di Hlýrskógsheiðr e la tradizione agiografica su Óláfr inn helgi / D'Angelo, F. - (2020), pp. 141-174. (Intervento presentato al convegno Hagiographic rewritings. The construction of royal sanctity in Scandinavia tenutosi a Roma, Sapienza Università di Roma).
Un miracolo problematico. La battaglia di Hlýrskógsheiðr e la tradizione agiografica su Óláfr inn helgi
D'Angelo F
Primo
2020
Abstract
Among the many posthumous miracles attributed to Óláfr Haraldsson inn helgi (†1030), he stepped in three times to help thosewho had invoked him in battle. The three stories appear for the first time in th eskaldic poem "Geisli" (1153) and can be attributed to traditions born plausibly by the middle of the 11th century. However, in the second half of the 12th century, when a hagiographic corpus about saint Óláfr was formed, the only miracles of the three not included was that of Hlýrskógsheiðr, in which Óláfr appears to his son Magnús theGood, King of Norway (1035-1047) and Denmark (1042-1047), in a dream and indicates him how to face a Wendish attack. The reason for such exclusion likely lies in the same nature of the miracle, based on an archaic concept of kingship and on a immediate relationship between the king and the divine. Though known by later authors likeTheodoricus Monk and Snorri Sturluson, the miracle was probably problematic for the Norwegian Church, which in those years was involved in the promotion of a new model of Christian kingship and in the establishment of its own role as mediator between the king and God.| File | Dimensione | Formato | |
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