On three bears, two cases and one-sided wordform

We analyze two Russian nominal constructions, the type "пойти в солдаты" and the type "силой в три медведя", which have been scrutinized by Igor Mel’čuk in two well-known papers from the 1980s. Both constructions are challenging for the classical description of the Russian case agreement system. Mel’čuk’s explanation in both cases is based on a reconsideration of the category of animacy. In our proposal, on the contrary, we present the same data as the outcome of a “grammatical effect” that optionally supplies the genitive when the accusative is normally expected. This effect applies in the two constructions in question, as well as in many others. We also show that the proposed mechanism of syntactic effect contradicts the traditional bilateral definition of the word form, while it is consistent with the monolateral definition thereof (put forward here).